In the case of the Lozi peoples of the Upper Zambezi Valley, a king - known locally as Litunga - which, in English, loosely means keeper of the earth, has not only ruled over, but led and inspired the peoples of the Lozi sphere of influence since earliest times. The Litunga has ruled, once again since earliest rcorded times (history handed down orally) asisted by what is today called the Barotse Royal Establishment (BRE), comprising a Prime Minister (Ngambela), senior Indunas responsible for different aspects of government, and a network of royal influence with royal princes and princesses stationed at strategic locations throughout the kingdom. This network of royal power remains to this day, the most persuavive form of governance in the lands of the Lozi in the Upper Zambezi River valley, respected throughout the Lozi diaspora and beyond, amongst other peoples. Each Litunga is directly descended from previous Litungas or brothers to Litungas. Since the time of Mulambwa, all Litungas descend from that Litunga, and since Lewanika, this has narrowed to the direct descendants of that Litunga through four of his sons (Yeta III, Imwiko I, Mwanawina III and Mbikusita) who have all ascended to the Kingship and from whom election takes place to appoint a new Litunga upon the death of an incumbent. This election takes place for princes who have been nominated for the elevation. It is unlikely though not impossible that a prince of a line of the preceding Litunga will be elected directly after the death of his father from the same line of descent from Lewanika In Lozi society there is a social class division between 'royals' and 'commoners' which plays out in several social, political and economic aspects, not least in terms of what might be termed 'opportunities.' This distinction has always been a feature of Lozi society.

In the colonial era, such a strong traditional ruler could sometimes be co-opted by European vectors of power or 'worked with' in order to suit colonial aspirations such as the paying of tax and export of labour to mines and plantations elsewhere. This was known as 'indirect rule'which had been practised for centuries, not least in Africa, but became a regular feature, especially of the British colonial enterprise, promulgated as a political doctrine by Frederick Lugard, High Commissioner to the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria from 1899-1906. It was certainly a feature of the colonial period in Barotseland which underwent considerable underdevelopment and diminution of royal power during the that era. After the independence of the Republic of Zambia in November 1964, into which Barotseland was persuaded to enjoin, the Kingship in Barotseland, in the person of Litunga Mwanawina III, knighted by the British monarchy, whose powers had been much weakened by classic colonial underdevelopment, was pressured, not least by the British Government, as an unwilling accomplice, into agreeing to the incorporation of Barotseland into Zambia under what was known as The Barotseland Agreement 1964, with the Litunga retaining Kingly roles, albeit with considerably circumscribed powers. Today, the Kingship and the BRE endure in an uneasy, mutually dependent co-existence with the Zambian Government. Since the abrogation of the Barotseland Agreement in 1969 by the Zambian founding President, Kenneth Kaunda, there have existed elements in Lozi royal society unhappy with the political status quo whilst the vast majority of Lozis, many of whom work elsewhere and have intermarried with other groups, sometimes fear the machinations of these disaffected elements or feel compelled to assign fealty. In many parts of the world, a monarchy is seen as an anachronism, to be institutionalised more as a cultural relic but his is not yet the case in Barotseland.

See: Flint, L.S. (2010) Historical Constructions of Postcolonial Citizenship and Subjectivity: The Case of the Lozi peoples of Southern Central Africa, Lambert Academic Publications, Saabrücken, Germany ISBN 978-3-8433-6703-5.
* Williams, A. (2004) 'On The Subject Of Kings And Queens: Traditional African Leadership And The Diasporal Imagination,' African Studies Quarterly, 7, 59-67.